Three weeks ago, Israeli elections concluded amidst a climate of growing internal and international tensions. Benjamin Netanyahu, leader of Israel’s center-right Likud party and Prime Minister since 2009, managed a win in a race against his most likely challenger, Isaac Herzog, leader of the center-left Zionist Union party. At the time, commentators had predicted it to be a tight race.

Although reports of a possible Zionist Union win proved to be hyperbole, the controversy accompanying Netanyahu was not. The Prime Minister received biting criticism in Israel’s de facto bicameral legislature, the Knesset and US Congress.

At home, liberals wailed on Netanyahu for his support of the recent Basic Law, a contentious nationality bill that sought to emphasize the Jewish underpinnings of Israel. The Basic Law was largely seen as a response to the growing strength of Arab-Israeli parties, whose parliamentary presence expanded from 11 to 14 seats as it became the third largest party in the 120-seat legislature.

In the US, Netanyahu’s speech in early March to Congress was harshly criticized by the Obama administration, Democrats and many in the Jewish constituency as both an openly partisan affair and an overtly pre-election campaign stunt. Few experts claimed an improvement in bilateral relations. The run up to this past March’s elections was, by no means, pleasant for the incumbent and future Prime Minister.

Nevertheless, what does this election mean for the future of Israel and the region?

As for Israel, one can expect a more moderated domestic agenda. With the losses of the far-right Jewish Home Party and the gains of the Arab Joint List and liberal Zionist Union parties, one can also expect less support for rightist solutions. Backing for previous measures, like Netanyahu’s conscription of the ultra-orthodox for military expansion and Israeli settlements for increased affordable housing in occupied Palestinian territories, will lack previous levels of support.

According to the Aspen Institute, one can expect the economic policies of the center-right Kalanu party to take the reins. Similar to Netanyahu’s pre-election blaming of the Yesh Atid for domestic financial struggles, Netanyahu will likely have a different coalition party to cover the economy, distancing himself from any possible shocks. Overall, domestic policy will see a more liberal shift, but a marginal one at best.

As for the Middle East, this election was key in future negotiations. First, as Netanyahu declared pre-election, there will be no recognized Palestinian state during his administration. As cited by the Washington Post, “I think that anyone who is going to establish a Palestinian state today and evacuate lands is giving attack grounds to the radical Islam against the state of Israel.” The Gaza Strip blockade, current settlements and the occupation of various areas will all continue, despite Netanyahu’s retraction of the statement against a two-state solution.

Israeli relations with Arab nations in general will suffer and international support will recede. Israel’s relationships with its two close geopolitical neighbors will also likely remain as they have for the past few years. Relations with Istanbul have ranged from shaky to neutral at best ever since the flotilla crisis of 2011, and Erdoğan shows no signs of leaving.

The relationship with Cairo can be seen in the inverse, oscillating between decent and neutral. Like Erdoğan, el-Sisi shows no signs of leaving office and, likewise, no indication of damaging stable Israeli relations that maintain his decorum with the army and US American backing.

Finally, Netanyahu’s reelection will be key in the future of the US-Saudi-Iranian-Israeli diplomatic quadrangle. Tension between the Obama Administration and Netanyahu is no secret, nor is Obama’s relationship with the House of Saud. Netanyahu’s re-election means continued pressure on the Obama administration from America’s two major regional allies to end nuclear negotiations with Iran, Israel and Saudi Arabia’s declared existential enemy. While Saudi Arabia is knee-deep in fighting Iranian-backed Shi’a militants in Yemen, Israel has openly considered unilateral action against nuclear and military facilities — a true curveball for US American and Middle Eastern politics.

Overall, Netanyahu’s reelection means a protraction of awkward relations between the US and Israel over Iran and a coup for GCC leaders who, while publicly denouncing the state of Israel, acknowledge Netanyahu’s importance in keeping the USA in the firmly anti-Iranian fold.

All said, incumbents are never known for radical change. But in the Middle East, and especially Israel, who knows?